THE EVOLUTION OF JUDICIAL TYRANNY IN THE UNITED STATES:

"If the judges interpret the laws themselves, and suffer none else to interpret, they may easily make, of the laws, [a shredded] shipman's hose!" - King James I of England, around 1616.

“No class of the community ought to be allowed freer scope in the expression or publication of opinions as to the capacity, impartiality or integrity of judges than members of the bar. They have the best opportunities of observing and forming a correct judgment. They are in constant attendance on the courts. Hundreds of those who are called on to vote never enter a court-house, or if they do, it is only at intervals as jurors, witnesses or parties. To say that an attorney can only act or speak on this subject under liability to be called to account and to be deprived of his profession and livelihood by the very judge or judges whom he may consider it his duty to attack and expose, is a position too monstrous to be entertained for a moment under our present system,” Justice Sharwood in Ex Parte Steinman and Hensel, 95 Pa 220, 238-39 (1880).

“This case illustrates to me the serious consequences to the Bar itself of not affording the full protections of the First Amendment to its applicants for admission. For this record shows that [the rejected attorney candidate] has many of the qualities that are needed in the American Bar. It shows not only that [the rejected attorney candidate] has followed a high moral, ethical and patriotic course in all of the activities of his life, but also that he combines these more common virtues with the uncommon virtue of courage to stand by his principles at any cost.

It is such men as these who have most greatly honored the profession of the law. The legal profession will lose much of its nobility and its glory if it is not constantly replenished with lawyers like these. To force the Bar to become a group of thoroughly orthodox, time-serving, government-fearing individuals is to humiliate and degrade it.” In Re Anastaplo, 18 Ill. 2d 182, 163 N.E.2d 429 (1959), cert. granted, 362 U.S. 968 (1960), affirmed over strong dissent, 366 U.S. 82 (1961), Justice Black, Chief Justice Douglas and Justice Brennan, dissenting.

" I do not believe that the practice of law is a "privilege" which empowers Government to deny lawyers their constitutional rights. The mere fact that a lawyer has important responsibilities in society does not require or even permit the State to deprive him of those protections of freedom set out in the Bill of Rights for the precise purpose of insuring the independence of the individual against the Government and those acting for the Government”. Lathrop v Donohue, 367 US 820 (1961), Justice Black, dissenting.

"The legal profession must take great care not to emulate the many occupational groups that have managed to convert licensure from a sharp weapon of public defense into blunt instrument of self-enrichment". Walter Gellhorn, "The Abuse of Occupational Licensing", University of Chicago Law Review, Volume 44 Issue 1, September of 1976.

“Because the law requires that judges no matter how corrupt, who do not act in the clear absence of jurisdiction while performing a judicial act, are immune from suit, former Judge Ciavarella will escape liability for the vast majority of his conduct in this action. This is, to be sure, against the popular will, but it is the very oath which he is alleged to have so indecently, cavalierly, baselessly and willfully violated for personal gain that requires this Court to find him immune from suit”, District Judge A. Richard Caputo in H.T., et al, v. Ciavarella, Jr, et al, Case No. 3:09-cv-00286-ARC in the U.S. District Court for the Middle District of Pennsylvania, Document 336, page 18, November 20, 2009. This is about judges who were sentencing kids to juvenile detention for kickbacks.


Monday, October 29, 2018

Attorney speech criticizing the judiciary between 1880 and 2018. What has changed?

On November 6, 2018 people across the United States will be electing judges, and it is important to understand what exactly are the powers that voters are vesting those judges with and why it is important for the voters to DISREGARD what attorneys or attorney organizations, or attorneys - members of non-attorney organizations, "screening" or "qualifications" committees, say about judicial candidates.

Because licenses and livelihoods of attorneys are controlled by the American judiciary, and the judiciary demand from attorneys, as a condition of being able to earn a living in their profession, to either praise judges and judicial candidate and misrepresent them to voters as "qualified" for the judicial office, or shut up.  The third option, criticizing judges and judicial candidates and telling voters the truth about fitness of judges is, as the judiciary repeatedly proves in disciplinary cases, amounts for attorneys to a professional suicide.

Lying to the voters about fitness of judges when attorneys publicly endorse a judicial candidate either by words or by money, paying into election campaigns of judges and judicial candidates to help them getting elected is, on the opposite, a behavior accepted by judges from lawyers, and even the highest court in the country strikes only the most outrageous cases of judges ruling in favor of the biggest contributors to their election campaigns.  But, there is no statistics as to whether judges favor smaller contributors - and the lack of such statistics is in itself a problem.  A problem of fear of researchers to even conduct such a nation-wide research.

In 1880, the Pennsylvania top state court made a decision identifying attorneys as the best witnesses of judicial misconduct and unfitness to inform the public, members of the popular sovereign, taxpayers and voters as to fitness or unfitness of judges.

“No class of the community ought to be allowed freer scope in the expression or publication of opinions as to the capacity, impartiality or integrity of judges than members of the bar. They have the best opportunities of observing and forming a correct judgment. They are in constant attendance on the courts. Hundreds of those who are called on to vote never enter a court-house, or if they do, it is only at intervals as jurors, witnesses or parties. To say that an attorney can only act or speak on this subject under liability to be called to account and to be deprived of his profession and livelihood by the very judge or judges whom he may consider it his duty to attack and expose, is a position too monstrous to be entertained for a moment under our present system,” Justice Sharwood in Ex Parte Steinman and Hensel, 95 Pa 220, 238-39 (1880).

In 2018, 138 years later, a panel of 5 judges declared that those same best witnesses of judicial fitness are forbidden to tell the public about their thoughts (conveniently and self-servingly called by judges "speculations") about cases attorneys witness when judges make decisions based on what attorneys perceive, as legal experts, as political corruption.

"As to charges 4-6, respondent accused the court of blatant political bias and corruption and disparaged his adversaries. As the Referee found, "[n]either the Code nor the Rules obligates,' much less permits, a lawyer to chastise a judge for what the lawyer speculates is corrupt political behavior on that judge's part in presiding over a matter or to effectively threaten the judge that he would be investigated by the Office of Judicial Conduct and the Department of Justice unless he reversed his opinion. Yet Respondent did so repeatedly. . . .".

There was no defamation lawsuit against the attorney by his "adversaries" or by the judge, no discovery, no jury trial as to the accusations, and thus no right for the disciplinary "court" to claim that such accusations were without merit.

Moreover, the statute of limitations for a defamation lawsuit is 1 year, which, since 2008, is long gone, the judge and the unnamed "adversaries" of attorney Gino Giorgini were time-barred to file any defamation charges against him, and he has an absolute defense to a defamation lawsuit - the 1st Amendment right of his client to criticize the government and litigation immunity as to anything said during litigation.

And, litigation immunity is, according to the U.S. Supreme Court, and important common law policy promoting the truth-finding function of the court.

"  It is precisely the function of a judicial proceeding to determine where the truth lies. The ability of courts, under carefully developed procedures, to separate truth from falsity, and the importance of accurately resolving factual disputes in criminal (and civil) cases are such that those involved in judicial proceedings should be "given every encouragement to make a full disclosure of all pertinent information within their knowledge."

Moreover, the U.S. Supreme Court recognized that regulation of attorney speech based on its content is subject to the so-called "strict scrutiny" under the 1st Amendment, which the court in Gino Giorgini's case did not even attempt to do.

And, the same U.S. Supreme Court

But, the U.S. Supreme Court did not take, for decades, a case of an attorney disciplined for exercising his client's 1st Amendment right to criticize the judiciary and his 14th Amendment right to impartial judicial review - which emboldens state courts into becoming petty tyrants considering their power divine, criticism of their corruption  as treason, and behaving as petty tyrants towards witnesses of their misconduct whose destiny judges control - attorneys.

There are no exceptions in the 1st Amendment protecting the judicial branch of the government from criticism of any member of the public, including an attorney or his client in litigation on whose behalf the attorney speaks to the court.


So - what has changed since 1880?

Why courts valued attorney speech criticizing themselves for the benefit of informing the public in 1880 and forbid and punish that same behavior with starvation/forbidding to work in the chosen profession in 2018?

Well, here is what has changed.

Rich attorneys teamed up with the judiciary to institute the so-called "attorney monopoly" for "the practice of law", without defining what the "practice of law" is - which is unconstitutional, but has been regulated, through civil and criminal proceedings, for 100 years nevertheless.

The noble principles of solo and small-firm attorneys who do not brown-nose the judiciary were used by the rich attorneys as a banner to
  • create attorney guilds (bar associations), 
  • incorporate them into the judiciary, attorneys' "own" branch of the government, 
  • invent "rules of attorney ethics", the main rule being "praise your benefactor, the judiciary, and never criticize it, or else you will be forbidden to practice the profession and your family will starve", 
  • dictate to the public that they choose their judges only from attorneys;
  • dictate to the public that they only choose their legal advisers, drafters of contracts and title documents and representatives in court only from the guild, approved by the guild's "own branch" of the government.
The only weak spot in perpetuating this grab of power by attorneys and judges are judicial elections, the only time when voters can choose to say "no" to this or that judicial candidate.

And, for that, the "guild" prepared by forbidding criticism by members of the guild of other members of the guild who are running for judicial elections, who are trying to get "elected" to rule the guild through regulation of "the practice of law" (remember, and undefined concept).

In other words, the attorney guild and its member and ruler, the judiciary, deliberately and systematically conspire to block voters from the most pertinent information about unfitness of judges and judicial candidates running for election/re-election or being considered for appointment - by intimidating attorneys, the best expert witnesses on the subject.

I will show in the next blog that how that prohibition on criticism violates federal criminal laws.

But, voters still have their own options.

First, to seek your own information about judicial candidates and never to trust licensed attorneys praising a judge - since such praise may be forced, coerced or aimed at getting a favor from that judge and promoting the attorney's business.

Second, to seek out the legislative representative and to demand to end the rule of the guild by
  • removing the requirement that judges be licensed attorneys;
  • removing the requirement that judges regulate attorneys;
  • removing the requirement that attorneys be licensed or regulated by the government - while opposing the government in court (in criminal, administrative and some "civil" proceedings, like proceedings in Family Courts against parents brought by CPS, and in civil rights lawsuits brought by private parties against the government);
  • removing the requirement of ever regulating attorneys before the subject of regulation, "the practice of law" is clearly defined by statute -
and thus unclogging the block that the judiciary put, through punishments like the one imposed upon attorney Gino Giorgini,  during a judicial election campaign, upon criticism of the judiciary - and on using such "disciplinary" cases to intimidate the profession into brown-nosing its self-imposed "regulator" regulating what it cannot even define, but "regulating" nevertheless.

You will see how many things in this country will change to the better once these simple changes are introduced.

And yes, you, the voters, can do it.

If your legislative representatives refuse to comply with such demands, such changes can be introduced through state Constitutions, based on statewide referendums.

Voters can prove to judges and the attorney guilds that voters are not cattle whose voice is duped and manipulated in order to perpetuate the guild's power over the people.

Can't they?

 


Sunday, October 21, 2018

Why voters should not believe judicial candidates "pre-screened" and approved by attorney associations. The case of #GinoGiorgini, Part II. The composition of the "firing squad".

Voting, including voting for judicial candidates, is just about 2 weeks away, and voters need to make up their minds who to vote for.

In New York, voting for a candidate for the seat of a Supreme Court Justice is giving somebody the power to take away your property, split your family, take away your kids and/or put you or your loved one in jail for a very long time - and that power you give to that person for 14 years, if it is a County/Surrogate's/Family Court seat, then you give that same power for 10 years.

People who vote for just about anybody on the ballot thinking that nothing will happen to them because they are never going to be facing a court proceedings, should think again.  That can happen out of the blue, and then, again, your liberty, family integrity, children, good name, job, right to get a treatment or not to be forced into mental health evaluations or treatments - will be in the hands of the person you are voting for.

Usually, judicial candidates are "pre-screened" by "Independent committees" - consisting of mostly of attorneys and being part of appellate courts, or by "bar associations", organizations of attorneys.

Such "pre-screening" must create in the public eye the perception that the particular candidate approved by attorneys is qualified, competent and honest.

That, in reality, may be, and most likely, is, diametrically opposite from the truth.

Attorneys in this country, and in the State of New York, are regulated by judges, in a very direct way.  Judge give or revoke attorneys' licenses to work as attorneys ("practice law"), and the biggest misstep that an attorney may commit in this country - which usually leads to losing his license and livelihood - is to criticize a judge or judicial candidate, no matter whether it is fair or not.

That means that attorneys approving a judicial candidate as eligible most likely LIE to the voters in order to 1. preserve their own licenses and livelihoods, and 2.

Those few attorneys who do not succumb to the rule of fear by judges and continue to do their jobs and criticize judges, are severely and inevitably punished by monetary sanctions and/or by their law licenses being taken away.

On this blog, I collect the names of such courageous attorneys.

In 2018, the election year, New York has increased its onslaught on attorney speech and sanctioned several attorneys for criticism of the judiciary.

The most egregious case, right in the middle of the judicial election campaign, is the case of attorney Gino Giorgini, whose license was suspended, without a right to reinstatement (which means, the 3-months suspension may result in a permanent disbarment if attorney Giorgini continues to criticize judges for misconduct and does not bow his head and does not acknowledge that criticizing judges for misconduct was wrong) on September 25, 2018, effective October 25, 2018, 4 days away from now.

I have given an overview of that case in my previous blog article about this year's judicial election campaign.

In this blog, I will provide a the background of judges who decided the fate of attorney Giorgini and sent the intimidating message to other New York attorneys, in the middle of a judicial election campaign, not to criticize judges, and thus, to misinform the voters through their silence or praise of judges who do not deserve that praise.

In the article I plan to publish after this one, there will be a more thorough and in-depth analysis of constitutional violations (federal crimes under 18 U.S.C. 242) that the judges who decided Gino Giorgini's case committed (judges of New York's intermediate appellate court that handle attorney licensing call themselves "Justices", presuming about themselves that whatever comes from under their pens is "just", which is, as this case will show, far from being so).

Here are the "heroes" that suspended the law license of the attorney who practiced for 27 years, Gino Giorgini, for criticism of 3 judges:

  1. David Friedman, Justice Presiding, who has not worked a single day in private practice as an attorney, but has always been a student law clerk to a judge, a law clerk to a judge, and then a judge;

2. Rosalyn H. Richter, a former prosecutor,


3. Richard T. Andrias, a 75-year old "Justice" who is 5 years past the New York mandatory retirement age for judges and who must be "serving" on a certification about his good mental health - which I will try to obtain from the New York State Governor's office on a Freedom of Information request.  "Justice" Andrias reportedly 
admitted to the bar in 1971, see the scan from NYS attorney registration site from today, but reportedly practiced for a year before the admission for a private firm,Gilbert, Segall & Young,  committing a crime of unauthorized practice of law (by the way, Justice Andrias is a licensed attorney and there is no statute of limitations for attorney misconduct in NY, but who is going to discipline Justice Andrias for UPL - Justice Andrias himself? or a criminal prosecutor whose license he controls?);






"Justice" Andrias has ruled in February of this year regarding one other New York State-licensed attorney, John O'Kelly, confirming the trial judge's right to sanction John O'Kelly for the same as he suspended attorney Giorgini, criticism of a judge, see the decision here and the analysis of the decision here.

4.  Barbara R. Kapnick - yet another member of the panel that supported punishment of attorney John O'Kelly for criticism of a judge;



Barbara Kapnick is a second "justice" on this panel who has not worked a single day as an attorney in private practice.  


Here is the today's scan of her attorney licensing history:





So, she was issued her law license in August of 1981.


And here is her official biography from the Appellate Division:



"Between 1980 and 1991, Justice Kapnick worked as a Law Clerk to both the Hon. Ethel B. Danzig and the Hon. Michael J. Dontzin in the Civil and Supreme Courts of New York County.


Justice Kapnick was elected to the Civil Court in 1991, appointed an Acting Supreme Court Justice in April 1994, and was elected to the Supreme Court, New York County in 2001. She was assigned to the Commercial Division in 2008, where she handled many high profile cases, and was appointed to the Appellate Division, First Department by Governor Andrew M. Cuomo in January 2014. She was a member of the Advisory Committee on Judicial Ethics from June 2008 - June 2018, and now serves on its Ethics Faculty."

So, judge Kapnick started to work as a law clerk for two judges before she was admitted to the bar, and worked as a law clerk for these two judges until she was herself elected a judge.

Her biography indicates that she has never worked in private practice, not a single day, and yet she "regulates" attorneys in private practice and tells them what is proper and what is not proper for them to do.  Having worked for judges her entire life, since 1980, for 38 years, "Justice" Kapnick, naturally, has a bias against attorneys daring to criticize their holinesses, judges.

Note also that being able to be assigned to a Commercial Division, and in Kings County no less, signals BIG connections this judge has, such appointments are not done without a lot of graft passing through a lot of hands.  Yet, this judge now "advises" on judicial ethics and is teaches about judicial ethics - which is important in review of her own decision in both John O'Kelly's case, and in Gino Giorgini's case.  The constitutional violations and violations of judicial ethics that this judge committed in both cases were done deliberately, as the judge is a teaching expert in the area of both attorney regulation and judicial ethics, and is sworn to uphold the U.S. Constitution - the text of which the judge presumably must know in order to be able to uphold it.



5.  Troy K. Webber, a new appointment to this court (2016) and a former career prosecutor





committed in suspending attorney Giorgini's law license in the middle of judicial election campaign in order to send an intimidating message to other New York State attorneys and force them to give to voters only their praises of judges and judicial candidates, in other words, forcing attorneys to misinform voters in order to prolong the reign of crooked judges and judicial candidates.

So, the panel that suspended the license of attorney Gino Giorgini consisted of 5 judges, out of them:

  • 2 judges who never practiced a day as private attorneys and have always been either assistants to judges or judges for scores of years (Friedman, Kapnick);
  • 2 former career prosecutors (Richter, Webber); and
  • 1 past-retirement age judge who practiced law without a license for a year before being admitted to the bar and never punished for that.
Moreover, 2 out of 5 judges (Kapnick and Friedman) were members of the "firing squad" for another attorney, also for criticism of a judge, and also this year - that attorney was not subjected to attorney discipline, but the decision against him set a precedent to do that to him and to any other attorney who would dare to criticize a judge within the jurisdiction of the 1st Department, including attorney Giorgini.

So, at the very outset, the judicial panel formed to review and decide the fate of attorney Giorgini did not promise anything good to that attorney, as it was biased on the issue of attorney criticism of the judiciary at the very outset.

Let's see how the panel arrived at its decision to suspend attorney Giorgini for 3 months, but "until further order of the court" (which means "indefinitely", like in a "disbarment") - and during a judicial election campaign.

I will also dedicate a separate article to whether these Justices were properly authorized to "serve" on this court - which may affect validity of their decisions.

Stay tuned.


Sunday, October 14, 2018

Voters, do not allow yourself to be duped in judicial elections. The cases of #BrettKavanuagh and #GinoGiorgini. The rules of the honorable American judiciary for the honorable American legal profession: lie about judges you are allowed to lie about, but don't you dare inform voters about true judicial misconduct of politically connected judges

Since February of 2016 and until this day a show has been going on in the U.S. where the leaders of the American legal profession and both parties, Democratic and Republican, have been showing its true colors, showing the public what REALLY is the so-called "rule of law" in America.


The true role of the U.S. Supreme Court in the U.S. "democracy"



Why since February of 2016?

The U.S. Supreme Court Justice Antonin Scalia died on or around Valentine's Day (the true date of death could not be determined because of the circumstances of his death).

Since that day, the American people had an opportunity to observe games played by both parties, Democratic and Republican, in the war as to who will replace the seat of the departed judge.

That happened with the death of Antonin Scalia.

That happened again with the retirement of the U.S. Supreme Court Justice Anthony Kennedy in July of 2018.

After the death of Antonin Scalia, the Republican majority of the Senate precluded the Democratic President Barack Obama from having the candidate he lawfully nominated during his presidency confirmed for the court.

The Democrats responded "in kind", trying to block two candidates for the U.S. Supreme Court nominated by the supposedly Republican President Donald Trump - Neil Gorsuch, in the place of the same deceased Antonin Scalia and instead of President Obama's nominee Merrick Garland, and Brett Kavanaugh.

While the attempt at mud-slinging at Judge Gorsuch were undertaken by Democrats, they were mild as compared to the smear campaign aimed at Brett Kavanaugh, an already-confirmed federal appellate judge with pristine reputation before he had the misfortune to be nominated by the "wrong" President.

What did the circus around nomination to the U.S. Supreme Court showed to the American people.

The importance of the identity of U.S. Supreme Court justices and who appoints them.

And why are those things so important?

Judges are supposed to be neutral and impartial, no matter to which party the President who nominated the particular judge belonged.

And judges are supposed to rule based on the written law - and not make law, this is (based on Article I of the U.S. Constitution) the exclusive right of the U.S. Congress - and not on their personal or political views or affiliations.

Well, that concept goes out the door given the open partisan fight over which party appoints a judge to the highest court in the country and when supporters and opponents of each party and each party's judicial nominee openly claim that one (1) person nominated by the "wrong" party and sitting for life will change the law of a supposedly democratic country with a 348 000 000 population for decades, for as long as that nominee sits on the country's highest court.

The reason is that, while U.S. legal scholars, professors, who are afraid for their law licenses and ability to teach at prestigious law schools controlled through accreditation by the American Bar Association, an Illinois non-profit corporation with secret, including foreign, membership, are afraid to call things like they are,

 foreign legal scholars - I read law reviews article by English, Nigerian and Russian legal scholars - openly state that in the U.S. the highest court in the country MAKES LAW, and CHANGES THE CONSTITUITON through their interpretation, even though there is no such power in the U.S. Constitution given to the U.S. Supreme Court, moreover, even though the lawmaking power is given exclusively to the U.S. Congress (Article 1 of the U.S. Constitution) and even though the Law of the Land, contrary to the routinely expressed "beliefs" of American law professors, lawyers, judges and many non-lawyer members of the American public, does not include decisions of the U.S. Supreme Court interpreting federal and state laws and the U.S. Constitution.  The Law of the Land includes exclusively 3 things, none of which are decisions of the U.S. Supreme Court:

  1. The text of the U.S. Constitution;
  2. The text of federal statutory laws made (by the U.S. Congress) in accordance with the U.S. Constitution; and
  3. International treaties ratified by the United States.
That's all.

In other words, legal scholars who are not afraid that their law licenses will be revoked and that they will be booted into the street from the ABA-controlled American law schools, plainly state that the U.S. Supreme Court usurped legislative powers from the U.S. Congress and acts as a super-legislative body, making its decisions "binding" on the country INSTEAD of the constitutional Law of the Land - and making itself a sort of a collective 9-people monarchy.

The circus around who is going to take the seat of a deceased or a retired U.S. Supreme Court justice only confirms that proposition.

The U.S. Constitution as a sacred text, the U.S. Supreme Court as the only oracle that can read and discern the meaning of that sacred text, the divine power of the U.S. Supreme Court judges (and other judges), the taboo to criticize that divine power and exceptions from that taboo


The circus about who will take the seat of a deceased or a retired U.S. Supreme Court judge was not the only show displaying for the American public the true colors of the American legal profession - which the American judiciary is regulating and is, at the same time, a part of (every American judge, including federal judges, is an attorney licensed by a state intermediate appellate (State of New York) or by the state highest (all other states) court).

Imagine a setup where you are appointed by the people to regulate a certain profession.  Let's say, you are appointed to regulate plumbers.

How will you handle the regulation?  Wouldn't you say that one of the main requirements to such regulation is that the regulator must be impartial, fair, regulate only for the purposes benefiting the people and not himself?

Now let's look at how the judiciary (part of the legal profession) regulates the legal profession.

Here are the rules that the judiciary, the U.S. Supreme Court, to be more precise, followed by other courts, created for all American judges:

1.  judges can violate their own Constitutional oath of office and people's constitutional (human) rights with impunity - the victims may not sue them and may not obtain any legal remedy, inside or outside the country, for the wrongs inflicted upon them by judicial corruption or misconduct.  That "rule" was set by two "policies" of the U.S. Supreme Court, policies not only making law (which the judicial branch of the federal government does not have authority to do under Article III of the U.S. Constitution), but also changing the U.S. Constitution and rendering the judges' own oath to support, defend and maintain the U.S. Constitution into a cruel joke:

  • absolute judicial immunity for malicious and corrupt acts - "on the bench" (in office), but stretched by courts far outside acts by judges in their judicial capacity, see e.g. cases from New York federal courts 
  • judges refuse to recognize part of the "law of the land", international treaties ratified by the U.S. as "self-executing", directly applicable and binding upon American national courts - I have recently presented a law review article at a conference "Seeking Justice Beyond Our Shores: Americans and International Human Rights"  on that subject, with a large bibliography listing cases decided by the U.S. Supreme court honoring international treaties where property rights were concerned and refusing to do that when individual liberties were concerned, and showing how the U.S. Congress took the hint from the U.S. Supreme Court and now ratifies all international treaties protecting human rights as "non-self-executing" for Americans, denying Americans out-of-the-country judicial review that citizens, residents and visitors of over 100 countries, including countries that the U.S. considers non-democratic, have.
2. judges may accept gifts - in money and in kind - from parties in litigation and attorneys appearing in front of them.  Recall Justice Scalia hunting trips, where he was found dead, recall that the U.S. Supreme Court allows money gifts for judges, and that SCOTUS judges accept all-expenses-paid trips and speaking and lecture fees from law schools, bar associations and foreign governments.

3. despite giving themselves absolute immunity for corruption and engaging in corruption, accepting gifts, judges also declare that their honesty and integrity is presumed.

4.  Moreover, as the chief ethicist (at this time) of the American Bar Association Margaret Tarkington announced recently in her book "The Voice of Justice", the judiciary, the regulator of the legal profession, use arguments of medieval English kings that king's (and the King's Court's) power is divine and that criticizing it in any way is treason - and created the ultimate taboo for the profession the judiciary regulate, attorneys, against speaking in the criticism of the judiciary.

So, we have:

1. the 1st Amendment prohibiting restriction of speech;
2. multiple precedents of the U.S. Supreme Court based on the 1st Amendment that the U.S. Supreme Court claims to be binding on all courts in the country - that prohibits regulation of speech based on its content, and especially when it is criticism of the government; but
3. that does not apply to attorney speech in criticism of their own regulator, the judiciary.

For attorneys criticizing judges is an ultimate taboo, and criticism of judges even with the most iron-clad proof inevitably leads to retaliatory suspension of the attorney's law license and to destruction of the attorney's livelihood.

Moreover, judges have invented theories of quid pro quo, that attorneys supposedly lay down their 1st Amendment rights in exchange of permission from the judiciary to earn a living by "practicing law".

And, the judiciary includes into rules of attorneys they regulate the requirement that the attorneys praise judges and judicial candidates to voters, "maintaining public trust" in the integrity of the judiciary, and not "spread false information" about judges AND judicial candidates during elections, while what is false is defined not in defamation lawsuits of judges and judicial candidates against lawyers, but in secret disciplinary proceedings without strict evidentiary rules and standards.

And, the judiciary, on top of everything else, never clearly defined what the "practice of law" is making the whole regulation illegal under the U.S. Supreme Court own precedents, but made it a crime to practice law without the judiciary's permission, and define what WAS the practice of law backwards, on a case by case basis, violating constitutional prohibitions on bills of attainder and ex post facto laws.

And, the judiciary defines as "practice of law" much more actions for people who have lost their law license than for the people who have never had it.  As an example, anybody, with any level of education, can work as a secretary or assistant in a law office, but it is the crime of the "unauthorized practice of law" for a suspended or disbarred attorney.


Let's go back to our hypothetical appointment of a regulator of plumbers.

Imagine that you, as a regulator, issue rules that:

1. you define what plumbing is, and define it in arrears, backwards;
2. you say that unauthorized practice of plumbing is a crime;
3. you say that, if a person lost your permit for plumbing, and then helps a plumber, he is guilty of a crime - while a person who had never had your permit for plumbing, can do the same, and it will not be a crime for him;
4. you give yourself immunity in your actions in regulating plumbers, for corruption and misconduct;
5. you allow yourself to accept gifts from plumbers for whom you issue permits to work and can revoke them at your whim;
6. you impose a code of silence, a taboo, as to criticism of yourself by people whose livelihood you control, the plumbers;
7. morever, you demand plumbers who are forced into silence about your shortcomings and misconduct to praise to the public your honesty and integrity, allowing to perpetuate your power as a regulator and be re-appointed (re-elected).

That is what the judiciary is doing.

And the taboo to criticize it for attorneys is so strong that criticizing a judge, for any reason, is normally considered - as Professor Tarkington acknowledged - a professional suicide for an attorney.

The American legal profession tried to spread that taboo, now "applicable" only to attorneys, to Donald Trump when he was still running for President and when nobody really believed that he will become President.  When he criticized a judge for bias and appearance of impropriety, there was a lot of mud-slinging aimed against Trump claiming that it was improper for him to exercise his 1st Amendment rights in criticizing a judge.

Yet, when Trump became President and nominated first one, then another judge to the U.S. Supreme Court, the rules of engagement for the legal profession have changed.

Suddenly, the taboo on criticism by attorneys, law students and law professors of the judiciary have lifted and the legal profession engaged in a collective, organized, mud-slinging against Judge Brett Kavanaugh.

Yet, if you think for one second that, because of Judge Kavanaugh's case, the taboo for attorneys to criticize judges, was lifted forever, think again.

THE TABOO ON CRITICISM OF JUDGES BY ATTORNEYS REMAIN IN PLACE AND WAS REINFORCED TO HELP JUDICIAL CANDIDATES DUPE THEIR VOTERS


You know for what?

For the attorney's written pleadings in 2005 (!), 13 years ago, and in 2008, 10 years ago, criticizing two judges for their apparent incompetence and dishonesty in deciding cases.

One of the two judges, Thomas Whelan, has a wife who is also a judge, Teresa Whelan, and who, "coincidentally", is running a re-election campaign at this very time.

Note that the article names Teresa Whelan's mother as a prominent figure in the local government, specifically she played a big role in choosing who is and who is not going to be elected in Suffolk County:

"Whelan is the scion of a prominent Democratic family — her mother, Joan Bryant, is a former deputy Suffolk elections commissioner and was a major party fundraiser for the late party chair Dominic Baranello."

And, both the daughter, and the son-in-law, of the "former deputy Suffolk elections commissioner" and of the "major party fundraiser for the late party chair Dominic Baranello" "coincidentally" became judges in that same county.

Nothing too crooked.

And,  the daughter of that "major fundraiser" "coincidentally" became also a president of the Suffolk County Women's Bar Association.

And, "coincidentally", an attorney was suspended for criticism of one of the Whelan judges - for criticism that occurred 13 years ago - during the re-election campaign of the other Whelan judge, as a point of intimidation to that attorney and to all other attorneys.

And suspended for three months - until December 25, 2018, and "until further order of the court", as a warning - peep a word of criticism during the re-election campaign, and your law license will not be reinstated.

Not too crooked either.

And you know what pro-democratic legal blogs are doing?  Are they adamant that the attorney's suspension for criticism of judges, and for well-deserved criticism, too, was unconstitutional?

Far from it.


Same as the mud-slinging of Judge Kavanaugh, for which the ABA has lifted the strict taboo of criticism on the judiciary, kicking attorneys who have violated that taboo by criticizing judges supported by "party fundraiser" connections is also allowed by the regulators.

So, to hell with the Gino Giorgini's 1st Amendment right to say what he said in his 13-year-old and 10-year-old criticisms of judges.

To hell as to the fact that "Above the Law" does not even know which cases attorney Giorgini was punished for - because the disciplinary court, and the court system of the State of New York and of the Suffolk county HID those cases, misidentifying them, and hiding their index numbers from the disciplinary case, and from the e-docket of the New York State Supreme Court.

To hell that the whole disciplinary proceeding was jurisdictionally defective, because it was started in the 2nd Department, while one of the judges of the court that filed the charges was the object of attorney Giorgini's criticism.


And to hell with the fact that criticism by attorney Giorgini of Judge Whelan - at least, judging by other publications in the mainstream press - was RICHLY deserved, and was baby talk as compared to what kind of criticism Judge Thomas Whelan should have been subjected to.

See what Judge Whelan did reported and acknowledged here, by the top judge of the State of New York, and here, and here, where the top state court reversed Judge Whelan's decision appointing his friends and political allies to control (and drain) lucrative foreclosed properties.

Judging by the listing of what Judge Whelan did - the listing by courts and by the press - Judge Whelan should have been taken off the bench, disbarred and criminally prosecuted.

Instead, his critic is wrongfully suspended - and the legal profession is vulgarly and with vile, celebrates it, by kicking their colleague who was WRONGFULLY suspended  - which only adds to the "honorable" portray of the American legal profession that obediently kicks or supports who it is told by the government to kick or support, while the government holds the legal profession hostage through controlling attorneys' law licenses.

Remember, attorneys is YOUR tool of access to justice, and if that tool is in the iron grasp of the government and prohibited to give you TRUE information about who you are voting for, your hopes of access to true and fair remedies are … well, they are pooped.

And, judges are also your tools of obtaining effective remedies for your legal wrong, members of the public, and when judges get elected and re-elected through fraud, through intimidation of attorneys, the best and most expert witnesses as to judicial misconduct and unfitness, you are even more pooped.

It is interesting to mention that the New York State Commission for Judicial Conduct, where Judge Thomas Whelan was turned in for cronyism, refused to prosecute him claiming, despite obvious evidence of his misconduct, acknowledged by higher courts - you know what?


Which was a screamingly false ground for dismissal, since there were rules in place for centuries that a judge should avoid impropriety and even an appearance of impropriety which is embedded in the New York Judicial Code of Conduct for a very long time.

As well as the rule that a judge must recuse from the case when a reasonable person would believe that the judge cannot be impartial in the case - and appointing personal friends and political contributors to lucrative fiduciary positions does just that.

So, most likely, the impolite language of the attorney's pleadings was just the top of the iceberg when the attorney simply lost it and could not be civil any longer when dealing with rampant judicial corruption affecting his clients.

The only thing he was "guilty" of was incivility, but not the essence of his accusations against Judge Whelan.

As to accusations against other judges, the disciplinary decision makes it impossible to verify whether attorney Giorgini's accusations were true or not, since the decision purged the index No. of the case and the name of the Appellate judge involved in the second group of charges, hiding from the public the true reason for the punishment and making it impossible to verify whether the discipline imposed was fair or not.

But why, at the same time, such a delay and such a hurry in punishing an attorney?

Why punish an attorney for something he wrote 13 and 10 years ago, respectively, drag the case for years and finalize it at the height of a judicial election campaign?

The answer is very clear - the disciplinary decision is to be used to intimidate other attorneys and deter them from criticizing judges, any judges, especially "the other Whelan judge", Teresa Whelan, and to block the flow of truthful information to the voters about dishonesty and unfitness of judicial candidates.

While professional regulation of attorneys was introduced not to maintain the "divine power" of judges, and not to prevent attorneys from ever gaining for their clients the clients' constitutional right to impartial judicial review.

On the very opposite.

The regulation of attorneys was introduced under a pretext of protecting the public from dishonest and incompetent lawyers.

There is not a word in the decision suspending the law license of attorney Gino Giorgini about his dishonesty or incompetence.

There is not a word in that decision that the two judges he criticized filed and won a defamation lawsuit against him, proving to a jury in their respective defamation cases that attorney Giorgini falsely criticized and defamed them.

No, the disciplinary proceedings were a backroom deal continuing the unconstitutional taboo that exists only to continue to dupe the voters by gagging attorneys and preventing them, by the rule of fear, the fear to lose their livelihood and to starve, from giving the voters truthful information about who they vote for in judicial elections.

Consider that when going to the polls come November.

Consider that the supposedly "honorable" legal profession that "screens" candidates for judicial office "for you" is a paid PR-firm of the judicial candidates.

Consider that licensed attorneys are paid by the judiciary through "permission" to earn a living with a law license and held hostage by the same judiciary if they give voters true information about unfitness or dishonesty of their regulator, the judiciary, including candidates for judicial office.

Read financial disclosure reports about your judicial candidates on the site of the New York State Board of Elections.

Run the background of donors, including on the New York State Attorney directory, see if any donors are attorneys or large corporations.

Inform yourself as to how justice is bought in the State of New York and in the U.S. in general.

Do not allow yourself to be duped.



Thursday, September 20, 2018

Wow. A federal court granted a summary judgment in a federal lawsuit AGAINST A JUDGE.

The federal lawsuit was against a magistrate judge who set bail automatically at $2500, did not accept cash bail and accepted only bonds with a private surety, in full understanding that 1.8% of bail money goes into the court fund, for the judge's discretionary use.


CALISTE v. Cantrell, Dist. Court, ED Louisiana 2018 - Google Scholar

ADRIAN CALISTE ET AL,
v.
HARRY E. CANTRELL, SECTION "L" (5).

Civil Action No. 17-6197.
United States District Court, E.D. Louisiana.
August 6, 2018.
Adrian Caliste, individually and on behalf of all others simialry situated & Brian Gisclair, individually and on behalf of all others simialry situated, Plaintiffs, represented by Eric A. Foley, Roderick and Solange MacArthur Justice Center, Alec George Karakatsanis, Civil Rights Corps & Katharine Murphy Schwartzmann, Roderick and Solange MacArthur Justice Center.
Harry E. Cantrell, Magistrate Judge of Orleans Parish Criminal District Court, Defendant, represented by Dennis J. Phayer, Burglass & Tankersley, L.L.C., Christopher Kent Tankersley, Burglass & Tankersley, L.L.C. & Elizabeth A. Doubleday, Burglass & Tankersley, L.L.C..

ORDER & REASONS

ELDON E. FALLON, District Judge.
Before the Court are Plaintiffs' and Defendant's Cross-Motions for Summary Judgment. R. Docs. 116 and 121. The parties have also filed in opposition. R. Docs. 120 and 130. Having considered the parties' arguments and the applicable law, the Court issues this Order & Reasons.

I. BACKGROUND

On June 27, 2017, Plaintiffs Adrian Caliste and Brian Gisclair, individually and on behalf of others similarly situated, filed this action under 42 U.S.C. § 1983 against Orleans Parish Criminal District Magistrate Judge Harry E. Cantrell, alleging violations of their rights under the Fourteenth Amendment's Due Process and Equal Protection Clauses. R. Doc. 1 at 25. Plaintiffs are former criminal defendants who were in the custody of the Orleans Parish Sheriff's Office at the time the complaint was filed. R. Doc. 1 at 2-3. Defendant Cantrell is the Magistrate Judge for Orleans Parish Criminal District Court ("OPCDC"), where he is responsible for setting bail upon arrest and has a role in managing the expenditures of the Judicial Expense Fund. R. Doc. 1 at 3.
In Count One, Plaintiffs allege that Judge Cantrell routinely sets a $2,500 minimum secured money bond without first considering the facts of the case to determine whether a lower bond amount or an alternative condition of release might be appropriate. R. Doc. 1 at 6. Plaintiffs further aver that Judge Cantrell requires the use of a bail bond from a commercial (for-profit) surety and does not allow arrestees to post cash bail. R. Doc. 1 at 2. In Count Two, Plaintiffs contend that Judge Cantrell has a conflict of interest because under Louisiana law, 1.8% of a bond amount collected from a commercial surety is allocated directly to the Court for its discretionary use. R. Doc. 1 at 2.
Plaintiffs moved to certify a class of similarly situated plaintiffs. R. Doc. 5. On March 16, 2018, the Court granted this motion and certified the class. R. Doc. 99. Plaintiffs now seek a declaratory judgement that Judge Cantrell's bond policy, which they assert results in the creation of a modern "debtor's prison," and financial conflict of interest are violations of Plaintiffs' constitutional rights. R. Doc. 1 at 26. Defendant, Judge Cantrell, denies Plaintiffs' allegations and seeks summary judgment dismissing Plaintiffs' complaint.

II. PRESENT MOTIONS

A. Plaintiffs' Motion for Summary Judgment (R. Doc. 116)

Plaintiffs have filed a Motion for Summary Judgment. R. Doc. 116. The Plaintiff Class seeks declaratory judgment on both of their claims. R. Doc. 116-1 at 4. First, Plaintiffs' argue that Judge Cantrell violates their Equal Protection and Due Process rights by jailing Plaintiffs when they are unable to pay set bonds. R. Doc. 116-1 at 5. Plaintiffs argue that Judge Cantrell's practice violates their rights against wealth-based detention and fundamental right to pretrial liberty because he sets bail without making findings that pretrial detention is necessary or making an inquiry into Plaintiffs' ability to pay. R. Doc. 116-1 at 6, 12, 26. Second, Plaintiffs argue that since Judge Cantrell shares executive control over funds that come partly from fees on the commercial surety bonds that he sets, he has a conflict of interest in the process of setting those bonds. R. Doc. 116-1 at 33. Plaintiffs allege that this conflict violates their due process right to a neutral and detached judge. R. Doc. 116-1 at 29. For these reasons, Plaintiffs move for summary judgment. R. Doc. 116-1 at 34.
Defendant responds in opposition. R. Doc. 120. First, Judge Cantrell argues that this Court lacks the power to direct him in the performance of his duties. R. Doc. 120 at 1. Judge Cantrell argues that Plaintiffs have asked this Court to order him to follow certain protocols when he conducts bail hearings and that this Court lacks the power to direct him in this manner. R. Doc. 120 at 3. Second, regarding Plaintiffs' request for declaratory relief, Judge Cantrell argues that any such relief would be advisory because there is no justiciable controversy. R. Doc. 120 at 5. Judge Cantrell further argues that Plaintiffs' claims regarding his bail hearing protocol are moot because since this lawsuit he has in good faith changed his bail hearing procedures. R. Doc. 120 at 6. Understanding his heavy burden in proving mootness, Judge Cantrell has attached an affidavit describing his new colloquy and checklist used during bail hearings. R. Doc. 120-1.[1]
Third, Judge Cantrell argues that the procedures regarding management of the Judicial Expense Fund do not negate a fair tribunal because 1) the OPCDC can go to the state or parish if it needs more funds, 2) there is no quota or reward for adding to the fund, and 3) the judges have no personal interest in the money collected. R. Doc. 120 at 9-11. Additionally, Judge Cantrell argues that he benefits from a presumption of integrity and if this procedure makes him biased than all courts are biased because all collect fees from defendants in some way. R. Doc. 120 at 13. Finally, Judge Cantrell also argues that the fees incurred under Louisiana's bail bond statutes do not create an impermissible bias because the Fifth Circuit has held that such fees are reasonable administrative fees. R. Doc. 120 at 18.

B. Defendant's Motion for Summary Judgment (R. Doc. 121)

In support of his motion for summary judgment, Defendant has submitted a memorandum identical to that submitted in response to Plaintiffs' motion for summary judgment. R. Doc. 121-1. In opposition, Plaintiffs have submitted a memorandum identical to that submitted in reply supporting their own motion. R. Doc. 130.

III. LAW AND ANALYSIS

The present motions raise questions of justiciability, the constitutionality of Judge Cantrell's bail procedures, and his conflict of interest when he has both judicial and executive power regarding revenues of the Judicial Executive Fund. The Court acknowledges the similarities between this case and Cain v. City of New Orleans, 283 F. Supp. 3d 624 (E.D. La. 2017) (Vance, J.). The Court draws as relevant from Judge Vance's excellent and thorough opinion, particularly as it relates to analysis of judicial conflict of interest.

A. Summary Judgment Standard

Summary judgment is proper "if the pleadings, depositions, answers to interrogatories, and admissions on file, together with the affidavits, if any, show that there is no genuine issue as to any material fact and that the moving party is entitled to a judgment as a matter of law." Celotex Corp. v. Catrett, 477 U.S. 317, 322 (1986) (citing Fed. R. Civ. P. 56(c)). "Rule 56(c) mandates the entry of summary judgment, after adequate time for discovery and upon motion, against a party who fails to make a showing sufficient to establish the existence of an element essential to that party's case, and on which the party will bear the burden of proof at trial." Id. A party moving for summary judgment bears the initial burden of demonstrating the basis for summary judgment and identifying those portions of the record, discovery, and any affidavits supporting the conclusion that there is no genuine issue of material fact. Id. at 323. If the moving party meets that burden, then the nonmoving party must use evidence cognizable under Rule 56 to demonstrate the existence of a genuine issue of material fact. Id. at 324.
A genuine issue of material fact exists if a reasonable jury could return a verdict for the nonmoving party. See Anderson v. Liberty Lobby, Inc., 477 U.S. 242, 248 (1996). "[U]nsubstantiated assertions," "conclusory allegations," and merely colorable factual bases are insufficient to defeat a motion for summary judgment. See Hopper v. Frank, 16 F.3d 92, 97 (5th Cir. 1994); Anderson, 477 U.S. at 249-50. In ruling on a summary judgment motion, a court may not resolve credibility issues or weigh evidence. See Int'l Shortstop, Inc. v. Rally's Inc., 939 F.2d 1257, 1263 (5th Cir. 1991). Furthermore, a court must assess the evidence, review the facts and draw any appropriate inferences based on the evidence in the light most favorable to the party opposing summary judgment. See Daniels v. City of Arlington, Tex., 246 F.3d 500, 502 (5th Cir. 2001); Reid v. State Farm Mut. Auto. Ins. Co., 784 F.2d 577, 578 (5th Cir. 1986). With these legal principles in mind, the Court turns to the parties motion which will be discussed in turn.

B. Justiciability

Defendant Cantrell's motion for summary judgment raises several justiciability questions. First, Judge Cantrell argues that the claims in Count One are moot due to his voluntary cessation of the challenged bail procedures. Second, Judge Cantrell argues that Plaintiffs improperly seek a writ of mandamus compelling the actions of a state official. Finally, Judge Cantrell argues that the Court should abstain from granting declaratory relief in this case. The Court will discuss each argument in turn.

i. Mootness

The Constitution limits the jurisdiction of federal courts to cases or controversies. U.S. Const. art. III, § 2. To satisfy this requirement, a plaintiff must have a personal interest in the case, not only at the outset, but at "all stages" of the lawsuit. Davis v. Fed. Election Comm'n, 554 U.S. 724, 732-33 (2008) (quoting Arizonans for Official English v. Arizona, 520 U.S. 43, 67 (1997)). If a plaintiff begins a case with a sufficient personal interest but lacks that interest later in the case, the plaintiff's claims are moot. See Friends of the Earth, Inc. v. Laidlaw Envtl. Servs. (TOC) Inc., 528 U.S. 167, 189 (2000).
This Court has held that Plaintiffs had the requisite personal interest for standing to bring these claims. R. Doc. 44 at 5-6. In this motion, Judge Cantrell argues that Plaintiffs have lost this personal interest and their claims are now moot. Judge Cantrell argues that since this lawsuit he intends to cease the allegedly unconstitutional bail procedures thus mooting Count One.
"Generally, any set of circumstances that eliminates actual controversy after the commencement of a lawsuit renders that action moot." Ctr. for Individual Freedom v. Carmouche, 449 F.3d 655, 661 (5th Cir. 2006). When an action is rendered moot it must be dismissed. Lewis v. Cont'l Bank Corp., 494 U.S. 472, 477-78 (1990). However, "[i]t is well settled that `a defendant's voluntary cessation of a challenged practice does not deprive a federal court of its power to determine the legality of the practice.'" Laidlaw, 528 U.S. at 189 (quoting City of Mesquite v. Aladdin's Castle, Inc., 455 U.S. 283, 289 (1982)). Accordingly, the Supreme Court has placed a "heavy burden of persuasion" on a defendant attempting to show mootness by voluntary cessation. United States v. Concentrated Phosphate Export Ass'n, 393 U.S. 199, 203 (1968).
Judge Cantrell has filed an affidavit stating that since the inception of this litigation he has "revised the protocol [he] follow[s] in setting bail and now take[s] into consideration the following factors":[2]
• There will be no minimum monetary bail amount utilized when assessing and setting bail.
• The seriousness of the offense charged, including but not limited to whether the offense is a serious crime of violence or involves a controlled dangerous substance.
• The weight of the evidence against the defendant.
• The previous criminal record of the defendant.
• The ability of the defendant to give bail.
• The nature and seriousness of the danger to any other person or the community that would be posed by the defendant's release.
• The defendant's voluntary participation in a pretrial drug testing program.
• The absence or presence in the defendant of any controlled dangerous substance.
• Whether the defendant is currently out on a bail undertaking on a previous felony arrest for which he is awaiting institution of prosecution, arraignment, trial, or sentencing.
• Any other circumstances affecting the probability of defendant's appearance.
• The type or form of bail.
• Amount and source of defendant's income.
• Defendant's employment status.
• Number and type of defendants.
• Recommendations of pre-trial services report.
• Should a defendant be unable to afford the amount set, they will be entitled to an adversarial hearing, wherein they have the right to be represented by counsel and to present any evidence and/or testimony and traverse (or deny) any evidence and/or testimony presented against them concerning the previously stated factors in determining the amount of bail.
R. Doc. 120-1 at 2-3. Judge Cantrell further avers that he will now state on the record his reasoning when setting bail. R. Doc. 120-1 at 3.
The Court does not doubt that Judge Cantrell is earnest in his present intent to modify his bail procedures. However, "allegations by a defendant that its voluntary conduct has mooted the plaintiff's case require closer examination than allegations that `happenstance' or official acts of third parties have mooted the case." Fontenot v. McCraw, 777 F.3d 741, 747-48 (5th Cir. 2015) (quoting Envt'l Conservation Org. v. City of Dallas, 529 F.3d 519, 528 n.4 (5th Cir. 2008)). Accordingly, the Court has closely examined Defendant's claims and is not satisfied that the voluntary conduct has mooted Plaintiffs' claims regarding the alleged bail practices. Unlike cases where there has been a "formally announced change[]" regarding official policy, Sossamon v. Lone Star State of Texas, 560 F.3d 316, 325 (5th Cir. 2009), here the Court and Plaintiffs must rely solely on Judge Cantrell's statement that he has changed his procedures and will not change them back again. Judge Cantrell has submitted no evidence of the implementation of these new bail procedures. These changes were made only after this litigation was commenced and Judge Cantrell's affidavit is not binding on his future procedures. For these reasons, the Court finds that Judge Cantrell has not met his heavy burden of convincing the Court that the challenged bail procedures could not reasonably be expected to recur. Therefore, Plaintiffs' claims are not moot.[3]

ii. Mandamus

Next, Judge Cantrell argues that Plaintiffs' have requested a writ of mandamus disguised as a request for declaratory relief. "[F]ederal courts have no general power to issue writs of mandamus to direct state courts and their judicial officers in the performance of their duties where mandamus is the only relief sought." Lamar v. 118th Judicial Dist. Court of Tex., 440 F.2d 383, 384 (5th Cir. 1971). However, federal judges have the power to provide declaratory and injunctive relief against state judicial officers and these remedies are unequivocally available via § 1983. See 42 U.S.C. § 1983 ("[I]n an action at law, suit in equity, or other proper proceeding for redress, except that in any action brought against a judicial officer for an act or omission taken in such officer's judicial capacity, injunctive relief shall not be granted unless a declaratory decree was violated or declaratory relief was unavailable."); Pulliam v. Allen, 466 U.S. 522, 541-42 (1984); Holloway v. Walker, 765 F.2d 517, 525 (5th Cir. 1985).
Judge Cantrell claims that Plaintiffs are asking the Court to direct him in the exercise of his judicial duties, specifically to order him to change his bail procedures in specific ways. However, Plaintiffs' complaint and motion for summary judgement merely asks the Court to provide declaratory relief regarding Judge Cantrell's bail procedures.
A writ of mandamus compels the defendant to perform a certain act. See Mandamus, Black's Law Dictionary (10th ed. 2014). By contrast, the declaratory judgments plaintiffs seek . . . would merely state that certain of defendant['s] practices are unconstitutional. The Supreme Court has recognized the authority of federal courts to issue such relief against state judges. See Pulliam, 466 U.S. at 526 (affirming attorneys' fees award in case where district court declared magistrate's practice of "require[ing] bond for nonincarcerable offenses . . . to be a violation of due process and equal protection and enjoined it"). Thus, the Court rejects defendant['s] argument that plaintiffs' claims for declaratory relief are in fact requests for a writ of mandamus.
Cain, 281 F. Supp. 3d at 645-46 (footnotes omitted). Because here the alleged acts were omissions taken in Judge Cantrell's judicial capacity, this Court has authority under § 1983.

iii. Declaratory Judgment Act

Judge Cantrell further argues that it would be inappropriate for the Court to grant a declaratory judgment because the ruling would be merely advisory. The Declaratory Judgment Act is "an enabling Act, which confers a discretion on the courts rather than an absolute right upon the litigant." Wilton v. Seven Falls Co., 515 U.S. 277, 287 (1995) (quoting Public Serv. Comm'n of Utah v. Wycoff Co., 344 U.S. 237, 241 (1952)). As an initial step in a declaratory judgment suit, the Court must determine "whether the declaratory action is justiciable." Sherwin-Williams Co. v. Holmes Cty., 343 F.3d 383, 387 (5th Cir. 2003). Defendant argues that the Count One claims are not justiciable because there is no "actual controversy." However, the Court has already found that Plaintiffs' claims are not moot. Accordingly, the Court may consider Plaintiffs' claims for declaratory relief.

iv. Brillhart-Wilton Abstention

Finally, Judge Cantrell argues that the Court should abstain from deciding this case under the Brillhart-Wilton doctrine. Judge Cantrell argues that while the Declaratory Judgment Act grants federal courts discretion, the Court should decline to exercise this discretion. However, the cases cited by Judge Cantrell narrowly apply to situations where a federal court sitting in diversity is asked to grant declaratory judgment on a state law matter. Wilton, 515 U.S. at 280, 290; Brillhart v. Excess Ins. Co. of Am., 316 U.S. 491, 493 (1942). Additionally, the Court has already considered and rejected Defendant's previous abstention arguments under the Younger doctrine. R. Doc. 44 at 6-8.
Accordingly, this analysis is inapplicable to the matter at hand. Furthermore, even if this analysis were applicable, the Fifth Circuit reasoning under St. Paul Ins. Co. v. Trejo, 39 F.3d 585 (5th Cir. 1994), and Sherwin-Williams Co. v. Holmes Cty., leads the Court away from abstention. In Brillhart the Court was concerned with whether a federal suit "can be better settled in the state court." 316 U.S. at 495. The Fifth Circuit employs seven nonexclusive factors for this purpose, which it first fashioned in St. Paul Ins. Co. v. Trejo.[4] These factors are:
1) Whether there is a pending state action in which all of the matters in controversy may be fully litigated, 2) whether the plaintiff filed suit in anticipation of a lawsuit filed by the defendant, 3) whether the plaintiff engaged in forum shopping in bringing the suit, 4) whether possible inequities in allowing the declaratory plaintiff to gain precedence in time or to change forums exist, 5) whether the federal court is a convenient forum for the parties and witnesses, . . . 6) whether retaining the lawsuit in federal court would serve the purposes of judicial economy, and [7)] whether the federal court is being called on to construe a state judicial decree. . . .
Trejo, 39 F.3d at 590-91 (internal citations omitted). The Fifth Circuit has since updated its Trejo analysis to include: 1)"[t]he presence of federal law questions, [2)] their relationship to state law questions, [3)] the ability of the federal court to resolve state law issues, and [4)]the ability of a state court to resolve the federal law issues." Sherwin-Williams, 343 F.3d at 396. "`The presence of federal law issues must always be a major consideration weighing against surrender' of federal jurisdiction." Id. (quoting Moses H. Cone Mem'l Hosp. v. Mercury Constr. Corp., 460 U.S. 1, 26 (1983)). "The presence of federal law issues is especially important when there is no pending state court proceeding to which the federal district court can defer." Id.
Here, the issue before the Court is a federal law issue and there are no pending state court proceedings to consider. Plaintiffs have filed a § 1983 claim requesting declaratory relief recognizing their Constitutional rights. None of the above factors apply to this situation or suggest that this suit would be "better settled in state court."
Accordingly, the Court finds that the matters before it are justiciable and finds no reason to abstain from ruling. The Court now moves to a consideration of the Plaintiffs' substantive arguments seeking summary judgment.

C. Count One: Judge Cantrell's Bail Procedures

In Count One, Plaintiffs' main argument is that Judge Cantrell's bail procedures violate their constitutional rights because he imprisons criminal defendants solely based on their inability to pay the set bail. Plaintiffs specifically challenge Defendant's practice of setting bail without considering alternative conditions of release or ability to pay.
The facts regarding Judge Cantrell's bail procedures are undisputed. R. Docs. 121-6, 121-7. Judge Cantrell agrees that the following are standard practices for setting bail in his court:
• Introduction and overview of bail setting process.
• Qualification of defendants for public defender services, including questions regarding employment, income, and dependents.
• Time for defendants to meet with their attorneys.
• Judge Cantrell uses the background information provided by the public defender to determine the conditions of release or detention; "he does not ask additional questions."
• Judge "Cantrell has told public defenders that he would hold them in contempt when they have attempted to argue for lower bond amounts or RORs for their clients."
• Judge "Cantrell does not determine whether the financial condition of release that he imposes will result in pretrial detention."
R. Doc. 121-7 at 3-6.
It is clear that under these procedures Judge Cantrell does not request much financial information from criminal defendants prior to determining the amount of their bail. Nor does he "consider or make findings concerning alternative conditions of release when he requires secured financial conditions, and does not make any findings that pretrial detention is necessary to serve any particular government interest if a secured financial condition will result in detention." R. Doc. 121-7 at 6-7. Transcript evidence in the record confirms these facts. R. Docs. 121-7. Plaintiffs in this case were imprisoned prior to trial because they were unable to pay the set bail. Transcripts from their bail hearings demonstrate that Judge Cantrell did not inquire regarding their ability to post bail, nor did he provide reasoning for his rejection of alternative conditions of release.
As an example, Ms. Mishana Johnson was detained prior to trial on a charge of simple battery. R. Doc. 121-7 at 4. Judge Cantrell appointed a public defender to represent Ms. Johnson after learning that she did not have counsel and worked at McDonald's. R. Doc. 121-7 at 4. Her appointed counsel requested $1000 bail based on employment status and lack of risk factors. R. Doc. 121-7 at 4. Judge Cantrell set bail at $5000 without inquiry into Ms. Johnson's ability to pay and informed the public defender that he does not set bail lower than $2500. R. Doc. 121-7 at 5. Judge Cantrell later reprimanded another public defender for requesting release on recognizance ("ROR") or a $1000 bond. R. Doc. 121-7 at 5. The attorney argued that his client was employed in a low-wage job and was a college student. R. Doc. 121-7 at 5. Judge Cantrell again set a $5000 bond without inquiry into the defendant's ability to pay or providing reasoning for his rejection of alternative conditions of release. R. Doc. 121-7 at 5.
More disturbing is the colloquy regarding bail set for Ms. Ashley Jackson on June 12, 2017. R. Doc. 121-7 at 5. Judge Cantrell had agreed to an ROR for this defendant until he realized that her listed address was a homeless shelter. R. Doc. 121-7 at 5. Subsequently, stating his concerns regarding the court's ability to contact Ms. Jackson, he set a secured $2500 bond. R. Doc. 121-7 at 5. After argument with defense counsel, Judge Cantrell stated that he was "not punishing [the defendant] for being poor [but that he was] punishing her because [the court could] not get in touch with her." R. Doc. 121-7 at 6.
This evidence suggests that Judge Cantrell regularly sets bail without considering the defendant's ability pay or qualification for alternative conditions of release and that these practices regularly result in pretrial detention based on inability to pay bail. Judge Cantrell has not argued that these descriptions of his practices are inaccurate and has made no substantive constitutional arguments in defense of these practices.
Plaintiffs argue that these practices violate their due process and equal protection rights under the Fourteenth Amendment. The Due Process Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment provides that "[n]o state . . . shall deprive any person of life, liberty, or property without due process of law. . . ." U.S. Const. Amend. XIV. It protects individuals against two types of government action. "Substantive Due Process" prevents the government from engaging in conduct that "shocks the conscience," Rochin v. California, 342 U.S. 165, 172 (1952), or interferes with rights "implicit in the concept of ordered liberty." Palko v. Connecticut, 302 U.S. 319, 325-26 (1937). "Procedural Due Process" ensures that government action depriving a person of life, liberty, or property is implemented in a fair manner. Mathews v. Eldridge, 424 U.S. 319, 335 (1976).
Although "[d]ue process and equal protection principles converge" in cases involving the criminal justice system's treatment of indigent individuals, Bearden v. Georgia, 461 U.S. 660, 665 (1983), plaintiffs' argument sounds in procedural due process. Thus, the familiar framework set out in Mathews v. Eldridge, 424 U.S. 319 (1976), applies. See Turner v. Rogers, 564 U.S. 431, 444-45 (2011) (applying Mathews v. Eldridge to civil contempt proceedings).
Cain, 281 F. Supp. 3d at 649.
"[S]tandard analysis under [the Due Process Clause] proceeds in two steps: We first ask whether there exists a liberty or property interest of which a person has been deprived, and if so we ask whether the procedures followed by the State were constitutionally sufficient." Swarthout v. Cooke, 562 U.S. 216, 219 (2011). Here, Plaintiffs successfully assert that they have been deprived of a liberty interest based on "the well-established principle that an indigent criminal defendant may not be imprisoned solely because of her indigence." Cain, 281 F. Supp. 3d at 649 (citing Tate v. Short, 401 U.S. 395, 398 (1971); United States v. Voda, 994 F.2d 149, 154 n.13 (5th Cir. 1993)). Additionally, Plaintiffs have been deprived of their fundamental right to pretrial liberty. United States v. Salerno, 481 U.S. 739, 750 (1987); see also Foucha v. Louisiana, 504 U.S. 71, 80 (1992) ("Freedom from bodily restraint has always been at the core of the liberty protected by the Due Process Clause from arbitrary governmental action."); Jones v. United States, 463 U.S. 354, 361 (1983) (quoting Addington v. Texas, 441 U.S. 418, 425 (1979)) ("It is clear that `commitment for any purpose constitutes a significant deprivation of liberty that requires due process protection.'").
Under Mathews, courts consider three factors to identify the requirements of procedural due process when the state endeavors to deprive someone of these rights:
First, the private interest that will be affected by the official action; second, the risk of an erroneous deprivation of such interest through the procedures used, and the probable value, if any, of additional or substitute procedural safeguards; and finally, the Government's interest, including the function involved and the fiscal and administrative burdens that the additional or substitute procedural requirement would entail.
424 U.S. at 335. The Supreme Court has discussed the types of procedural safeguards required to authorize pretrial detention under the Bail Reform Act. Salerno, 481 U.S. at 751-52 (finding that the procedures under the Bail Reform Act were "specifically designed to further the accuracy of th[e] determination" of "the likelihood of future dangerousness" and did not violate due process). Among the valuable procedural safeguards noted in Salerno were "right to counsel at the detention hearing"; the opportunity to testify, present evidence, and cross-examine witnesses; standards for the judicial officer "determining the appropriateness of detention"; government burden of clear and convincing evidence; and requirement of findings of fact and reasons for detention from the judicial officer. Id.
The Supreme Court has also articulated additional procedural safeguards in several different contexts including pretrial and post-conviction detention.[5] In Bearden v. Georgia, the Supreme Court held that "a sentencing court can[not] revoke a defendant's probation for failure to pay the imposed fine and restitution, absent evidence and findings that the defendant was somehow responsible for the failure or that alternative forms of punishment were inadequate." 461 U.S. 660, 665, 673-74 (1983). There, the state court had imprisoned Bearden for his inability to pay a fine but had not asked why he was unable to pay or considered other alternative means of enforcing the fine. Id. at 674. The Court reasoned that for the state court to simply convert the fine into a prison sentence without "inquir[ing] into the reasons for the failure to pay" or finding that "alternate measures [we]re not adequate to meet the State's interests . . . would deprive [Bearden] of his . . . freedom simply because, through no fault of his, he [could not] pay the fine." Id. at 672-73.
Moreover, in Turner v. Rogers, the Supreme Court held that court-appointed counsel was not required in a civil contempt proceeding if sufficient alternative procedures were provided "equivalent to . . . adequate notice of the importance of ability to pay, fair opportunity to present, and to dispute, relevant information, and court findings." 564 U.S. 431, 448 (2011). There, the Court reasoned that "[g]iven the importance of the [liberty] interest at stake, it is obviously important to assure accurate decisionmaking in respect to the key `ability to pay' question." Id. at 445.
While there are clear differences between the facts of these cases and the facts at issue here, what is manifest and pertinent is the Supreme Court's emphasis on the due process requirements of an informed inquiry into the ability to pay and findings on the record regarding that ability prior to detention based on failure to pay. Accordingly, the Court finds that these cases are useful here because Plaintiffs have been subjected to pretrial imprisonment, as a result of their inability to pay a court ordered sum.
With the principles of Salerno, Bearden, and Turner in mind, the Court applies the Mathews factors to the present facts.
First, plaintiffs' interest in securing their "freedom `from bodily restraint[ ]' lies `at the core of the liberty protected by the Due Process Clause.'" Turner, 564 U.S. at 445 (quoting Foucha v. Louisiana, 504 U.S. 71, 80 (1992)). Plaintiffs' liberty interest weighs heavily in favor of procedural safeguards provided before imprisonment.
Cain, 281 F. Supp. 3d at 651.
"Second, the risk of erroneous deprivation without an inquiry into ability to pay is high." Id. The record suggests that many criminal defendants, including Named Plaintiffs, have been imprisoned solely because they are unable to pay the bail amount set by Judge Cantrell. These are criminal defendants who have been found to be indigent for the purpose of appointing counsel. Accordingly, the inquiry into the ability to pay "must involve at least notice and opportunity to be heard, [and express findings in the record] as suggested by Turner; an abilityto-pay inquiry without these basic procedural protections would likely be ineffective." Id.
Third, Judge Cantrell has not suggested any government interest[6] that would prevent or discourage an inquiry into the ability to pay. Rather, he seems to agree that it is appropriate to consider "[t]he ability of the defendant to give bail." R. Doc. 120-1 at 2. However, this simple consideration is inadequate under the principles laid out by the Supreme Court. Bearden requires that this inquiry include court consideration of the reasons why a criminal defendant cannot pay and of alternative measures prior to imprisonment. 461 U.S. at 672; see Cain, 281 F. Supp. 3d at 652.
Here, it is clear that Judge Cantrell did not conduct an inquiry into ability to pay or include satisfactory procedural safeguards to that inquiry when setting bail. To satisfy the Due Process principles articulated by Supreme Court precedent, Judge Cantrell must conduct an inquiry into criminal defendants' ability to pay prior to pretrial detention. "This inquiry must involve certain procedural safeguards, especially notice to the individual of the importance of ability to pay and an opportunity to be heard on the issue. If an individual is unable to pay, then [he] must consider alternative measures before imprisoning the individual." Cain, 281 F. Supp. 3d at 652.
Plaintiffs suggest that due process requires additional procedures in order to "ensure the accuracy of [a] finding that pretrial . . . detention is necessary." R. Doc. 116-1 at 14. Plaintiffs cite Salerno and the safeguards provided under the Bail Reform Act as the standard for these additional procedural safeguards because they provide confidence that a sufficient inquiry into ability to pay is conducted prior to pretrial detention. In Salerno, the Court noted that the Bail Reform Act is "narrowly focuse[d] on individuals who have been arrested for a specific category of extremely serious offenses." 481 U.S. at 750. Even with this heightened government interest, "[i]n a full-blown adversary hearing, the Government must convince a neutral decisionmaker by clear and convincing evidence that no conditions of release can reasonably assure the safety of the community or any person." Id. The Court then praised other procedural safeguards found to be sufficient under Due Process including: findings of fact, statements of reasons for decisions, and the right to counsel." Id. at 750-51; see also Gagnon v. Scarpelli, 411 U.S. 778, 786 (1973) (listing the minimum requirements of due process when revoking probation). These procedures are required for defendants charged with committing serious offenses. How much more important are these safeguards when considering pretrial detention for criminal defendants who may not be accused of committing extremely serious offenses?
First, Plaintiff suggests that Due Process requires proof under the clear and convincing standard "that pretrial detention is necessary to mitigate either a risk of flight or a danger to the community." R. Doc. 116-1 at 16. Beginning with Addington v. Texas, 441 U.S. 418 (1979), the Supreme Court has held that, when scrutinized under procedural due process criterion, deprivation of liberty requires a heightened standard. There, when considering the government's interest in "protect[ing] the community from the dangerous tendencies of some who are mentally ill," the Court reasoned that the clear and convincing standard struck an appropriate balance between scrupulous protection of individual liberty interests and the government interest in public safety. Id. at 424, 426.
In cases where physical liberty is at stake in all kinds of situations, the Court consistently applies the clear and convincing standard. Foucha, 504 U.S. at 82; Cruzan ex rel. Cruzan v. Dir., Mo. Dep't of Health, 497 U.S. 261, 282-83 (1990); Santosky v. Kramer, 455 U.S. 745, 756 (1982); Addington, 441 U.S. at 433; see also Woodby v. INS, 385 U.S. 276, 286 (1966); Schneiderman v. United States, 320 U.S. 118, 123 (1943). While this Court has not found a case requiring the clear and convincing standard in the particular circumstances of this case,[7] determining pretrial detention based specifically on risk of flight, the Court is convinced of the vital importance of the individual's interest in pretrial liberty recognized by the Supreme Court. In a Mathews analysis of the balance required by Due Process of the private liberty interest and interest of the government in ensuring that a criminal defendant appears in court, the Court agrees with the views expressed in the concurring opinion in United States v. Motamedi, 767 F.2d 1403, 1409 (9th Cir. 1985) (Boochever, J., concurring in part and dissenting in part).[8]
[T]he consequences to the defendant from an erroneous pretrial detention are certain and grave. The potential harm to society, although also significant, is speculative, because pretrial detention is based on the possibility, rather than the certainty, that a particular defendant will fail to appear. Moreover, society's interest in increasing the probability of detention is undercut by the fact that it has no interest in erroneously detaining a defendant who can give reasonable assurances that he will appear. I conclude therefore that the injury to the individual from an erroneous decision is greater than the potential harm to society, and that under Addington due process requires that society bear a greater portion of the risk of error: the government must prove the facts supporting a finding of flight risk by clear and convincing evidence.
Id. at 1415.
Second, Plaintiffs suggest that arrestees must be represented by counsel. R. Doc. 116-1 at 24. The importance of the right to counsel is evident from its inclusion in the Bill of Rights. The Sixth Amendment requires that the government provide counsel for those who cannot afford it at "critical stages" of criminal proceedings. Bell v. Cone, 535 U.S. 685, 695-96 (2002). The Supreme Court has held that "critical stages" are those that "h[o]ld significant consequences for the accused." Id. at 696; Coleman v. Alabama, 399 U.S. 1, 10 (1970) (holding that a preliminary bail hearing is a "critical stage . . . at which the accused is . . . entitled to [counsel]"). There is no question that the issue of pretrial detention is an issue of significant consequence for the accused.
Under a Mathews analysis, the Court finds that without representative counsel the risk of erroneous pretrial detention is high. Preliminary hearings can be complex and difficult to navigate for lay individuals and many, following arrest, lack access to other resources that would allow them to present their best case. Considering the already established vital importance of pretrial liberty, assistance of counsel is of the utmost value at a bail hearing.
Judge Cantrell does not argue this point. In fact, the record shows that public defenders are regularly provided for those individuals found to be indigent at their initial appearance before Judge Cantrell. The Court commends this practice and encourages its continuance. Beyond this encouragement, the Court finds that the right to counsel at a bail hearing to determine pretrial detention is also required by due process. The interests of the government are mixed regarding provision of counsel at this stage. It is certainly a financial burden on the state to provide attorneys for the indigent. However, this burden is outweighed not only by the individual's great interest in the accuracy of the outcome of the hearing, but also by the government's interest in that accuracy and the financial burden that may be lifted by releasing those arrestees who do not require pretrial detention. Accordingly, the Mathews test demonstrates that due process requires representative counsel at pretrial detention hearings.
As discussed above, the record indicates that Judge Cantrell's bail procedures have not provided notice of the importance of the issue of the criminal defendant's ability to pay, inquiry into the ability to pay, findings on the record regarding ability to pay and consideration of alternative conditions of release, or application of a legal standard in the determination of the necessity of pretrial detention. Accordingly, these procedures violate Plaintiffs' procedural due process rights; Plaintiffs' are entitled to summary judgment on Count One and it is appropriate to grant Plaintiffs' motion for declaratory judgment.
The Court commends Judge Cantrell's expressed willingness to mend the bail procedures in his court to comply with due process requirements. R. Doc. 120-1. As a summary of the above discussed Mathews analysis, the Court finds that in the context of hearings to determine pretrial detention Due Process requires:
1) an inquiry into the arrestee's ability to pay, including notice of the importance of this issue and the ability to be heard on this issue;
2) consideration of alternative conditions of release, including findings on the record applying the clear and convincing standard and explaining why an arrestee does not qualify for alternative conditions of release; and
3) representative counsel.

D. Count Two: Conflict of Interest

In Count Two, Plaintiffs argue that Judge Cantrell has an unconstitutional conflict of interest that violates due process when he sets bail. Plaintiffs challenge Judge Cantrell's multipurpose role in determining their ability to pay bail, the amount of bail upon which pretrial release is conditioned, and managing the Judicial Expense Fund, a portion of which comes from fees levied on commercial surety bonds. Plaintiffs argue that Judge Cantrell's management role over this fund creates an unconstitutional conflict of interest that deprives them of their right to a neutral fact finder in pretrial detention hearings.

i. The Judicial Expense Fund

Louisiana Revised Statute 13:1381.4 sets up the Judicial Expense Fund ("the Fund") for the Orleans Parish Criminal District Court ("OPCDC"). The Fund receives revenue from fines, fees, costs, and forfeitures imposed by the OPCDC. See La. Rev. Stat. § 13:1381.4. Approximately $1 million per year in revenue comes from fees levied on commercial surety bonds, representing roughly 20-25% of the total Fund in a given year. R. Doc. 121-7 at 9. The fund is controlled by the Judges of the OPCDC and "may be used for any purpose connected with, incidental to, or related to the proper administration or function of the court or the office of the judges. . . ." La. Rev. Stat. § 13:1381.4(C). However, the Fund may not be used to pay any judge's salary. Id. § 13.1381.4(D). Generally, the Fund is used to finance court operations including, but not limited to, staff salaries and benefits, conferences and legal education, ceremonies, office supplies, law books, jury expenses, and other services. R. Doc. 121-7 at 8.

ii. Legal Standards

As discussed by the Court in Cain v. City of New Orleans, the unbiased judge or neutral fact finder has long been considered "essential to due process." Pub. Citizen, Inc. v. Bomer, 274 F.3d 212, 217 (5th Cir. 2001) (quoting Johnson v. Mississippi, 403 U.S. 212, 216 (1971)). While disqualification of a judge is not common, the Supreme Court has held that when a judge has financial interests in the matter before him due process is violated. In Tumey v. Ohio, the Supreme Court "held that the mayor, acting as judge, was disqualified from deciding Tumey's case `both because of his direct pecuniary interest in the outcome, and because of his official motive to convict and to graduate the fine to help the financial needs of the village.'" Cain, 281 F. Supp. 3d at 655 (quoting Tumey v. Ohio, 273 U.S. 510, 535 (1927)). There, the mayor acted as judge in courts that levied fines, some of which went to village funds. Tumey, 273 U.S. at 521-22. These funds covered some court expenses as well as some fees paid to the mayor himself. Id. at 522.
Later, in Ward v. Village of Monroeville, the Court held that a mayor's court violated due process when it financed a "major part" of the city funds that were also managed by the mayor. 409 U.S. 57, 58, 60 (1972). There, the Court reasoned that the principle articulated in Tumey did not rely on the mayor's personal interest in the funds. Id. at 60. Rather, the Court articulated the following test: "whether the . . . situation is one `which would offer a possible temptation to the average man as a judge to forget the burden of proof required to convict the defendant, or which might lead him not to hold the balance nice, clear, and true between the state and the accused.'" Id. at 60 (quoting Tumey, 273 U.S. at 532).
More recently, the Court has clarified that finding a conflict of interest in violation of due process "do[es] not require proof of actual bias." Caperton v. A.T. Massey Coal Co., Inc., 556 U.S. 868, 883 (2009). Rather, when determining whether the Due Process Clause requires judicial recusal due to a conflict of interest, the correct question is "whether, `under a realistic appraisal of psychological tendencies and human weakness,' the interest `poses such a risk of actual bias or prejudgment that the practice must be forbidden if the guarantee of due process is to be adequately implemented.'" Id. at 883-84 (quoting Withrow v. Larkin, 421 U.S. 35, 47 (1975)).
The Fifth Circuit applied these principles in Brown v. Vance, 637 F.2d 272, 274, 282 (5th Cir. 1981), holding that a fee system that compensated justices of the peace based on volume of cases filed was unconstitutional. There, the Court reasoned that the Supreme Court's concern in Tumey and Ward
was not . . . the probity of an individual judge or perhaps even, of the great majority of judges . . . rather [it was] in the inherent defect in the legislative framework arising from the vulnerability of the average man-as the system works in practice and as it appears to defendants and to the public.
Id. at 284. Accordingly, the Court found that the undeniable opportunity and "possible temptation to the average man as a judge to forget the burden of proof required" created by the system was sufficient to "deprive[] criminal defendants of their due process right to a trial before an impartial tribunal." Id. at 282 (quoting Tumey, 273 U.S. at 532).
Most recently, this Court applied this line of cases holding that collection of costs and fees by judges in Orleans Criminal District Court who also administer those monies as part of the Judicial Expense Fund had an "institutional incentive[ that] create[d] an impermissible conflict of interest when they determine, or are supposed to determine, plaintiffs' ability to pay fines and fees." Cain, 281 F. Supp. 3d at 659. The Cain case dealt with the same Judicial Expense Fund at issue in this case and a different source of revenue also determined by judges. There, the relevant facts included the above discussed management of the Judicial Expense Fund by the judges and those same judges determination of ability to pay the fines and fees going to the Fund. Id. at 654.
The Court in Cain reasoned that "[b]y no fault of their own, the Judges' `executive responsibilities for [court] finances may make [them] partisan to maintain the high level of contribution,' . . . from criminal defendants." Id. at 657 (quoting Ward, 409 U.S. at 60). For that reason, the Court found that the judge's "substantial" conflict of interest in adjudicating plaintiffs' ability to pay fines and fees "offend[ed] due process" "[s]o long as the Judges control and heavily rely on fines and fees revenue." Id. at 657-58.

iii. Analysis

Here, it is clear from the record that Judge Cantrell participates in the management of the Fund, sets the amount of bail, and determines arrestee's ability to pay bail. R. Doc. 121-7 at 8. As discussed above, the Fund is partially financed by fees levied on commercial surety bonds. Judges, including Judge Cantrell then use these funds to finance court operations. Approximately $1,000,000 gained from bond fees is deposited into the Fund each year.[9] This is roughly 20-25% of the Fund's total revenue in a given year.[10] R. Doc. 121-7 at 9. "This funding structure puts the Judges in the difficult position of not having sufficient funds to staff their offices unless they impose and collect sufficient [monies] from a largely indigent population of criminal defendants." Cain, 281 F. Supp. 3d at 655.
Judge Cantrell's participation in the management of bond fee revenue creates a conflict of interest because he is also responsible for determining whether a pretrial detainee is able to pay bail and the appropriate amount of bail. As stated above, due process requires that Judge Cantrell make an inquiry regarding an arrestee's ability to pay and consider alternative conditions of release. However, Judge Cantrell also has a financial interest in these determinations as well as the determination of the amount of bail because revenue collected as a percentage of the bail set by him is promptly sent to the Fund. See id. Accordingly, Judge Cantrell "ha[s] an institutional incentive to find that criminal defendants are able to pay bail" and to set higher bail amounts. Id.
[Defendant Cantrell's] dual role, as [an] adjudicator who determine[s] ability to pay [and amount of bail] and as manager[] of the OPCDC budget, offer[s] a possible temptation to find that indigent criminal defendants are able to pay [bail and higher amounts of bail]. This "inherent defect in the legislative framework" arises not from the bias of any particular Judge, but "from the vulnerability of the average man—as the system works in practice and as it appears to defendants and to the public."
Id. (quoting Brown, 637 F.2d at 284).
The Tumey Court further reasoned that to offend due process the judicial conflict of interest must be substantial. 273 U.S. at 534 ("The minor penalties usually attaching to the ordinances of a village council, or to the misdemeanors in which the mayor may pronounce final judgment without a jury, do not involve any such addition to the revenue of the village as to justify the fear that the mayor would be influenced in his judicial judgment by that fact.); Cain, 281 F. Supp. 3d at 657. "[T]he proper question is `whether the official motive here is "strong," so that it "reasonably warrants fear of partisan influence on the judgment."'" Id. (quoting Alpha Epsilon Phi Tau Chapter Hous. Ass'n v. City of Berkeley, 114 F.3d 840, 847 (9th Cir. 1997)).
Here, it is clear that Judge Cantrell's, as well as that of the OPCDC, institutional interest in the fees derived from commercial surety bonds is substantial. As discussed above, the percentage of the Fund derived from these fees is roughly 25% and these funds make up a considerable portion of the salaries and benefits for judicial employees. In Cain, the Court found that a similar percentage of the Fund was enough to make the judges' conflict of interest substantial. Id. at 657-58 ("Fines and fees revenue is obviously important to the Judges; fines and fees provide approximately 10% of the total OPCDC budget and one quarter of the Judicial Expense Fund.").
As explained by the Court in Cain, this conflict of interest is not created by Judge Cantrell, nor is it his fault. The conflict of interest is "the unfortunate result of the financing structure" and lack of sufficient funding from the state and local governments for the criminal justice system. Id. at 658. However, the source of the conflict does not change the fact that as long as Judge Cantrell participates in the control of bond fee revenue and the OPCDC relies on it as a substantial source of funding, Judge Cantrell's determination of Plaintiffs' ability to pay bail and the amount of that bail is in violation of due process. See id.
Defendant makes several arguments that his dual role in setting bail and administering the Fund do not offend due process requirements. The Court will consider each in turn.
First, Judge Cantrell argues that the Fund system does not create a conflict of interest because if the OPCDC needs additional funds it can request them from the state legislature or local parish government. R. Doc. 120 at 9. The Court approaches this claim with some incredulity. Given the substantial percentage of the Fund coming from bond fees, the Court finds it implausible that these revenues would be easily replaced by solicitation of state and local officials. Furthermore, OPCDC officials themselves have noted the significance of this amount of revenue and its sources to the Fund. See Cain, 281 F. Supp. 3d at 658.[11]
Second, Judge Cantrell argues that the revenues in the Fund are publically audited and used appropriately. The Court finds this fact irrelevant to the issues before it as Plaintiffs are not arguing that the use of the revenues violates their constitutional rights, but rather that the determination of those revenues and control over them by the same individual is the problem.
Third, Judge Cantrell argues that he is not subjected to a quota, receives no rewards based on amount of revenue collected, and has no personal interest in the Fund. The Court finds that it is not necessary for Judge Cantrell to have a quota, punishment, or reward associated with the Fund in order to have a conflict of interest. The significance of these funds for the payment of personnel salaries and other administrative needs, approximately $250,000 per chambers, is sufficient incentive to act as a "possible temptation" to the "average man." Additionally, "[t]hat [Judge Cantrell] ha[s] an institutional, rather than direct and individual, interest in maximizing [bond fee] revenue is immaterial." Cain, 281 F. Supp. 3d at 656. "Ward itself involved a mayor who had no direct, personal interest in traffic fine revenue; his interest related solely to his `executive responsibilities for village finances.' 409 U.S. at 60. Likewise, [Judge Cantrell's] interest in [bond fee] revenue is related to [his] executive responsibilities for OPCDC finances." Id. at 656-57.
Fourth, Judge Cantrell argues that all courts are partially funded by fees from criminal defendants and if this funding offends due process then no courts will be functional. Defendant misses the point here because the problem is not specifically with the fact that the court is partially funded by fees from criminal defendants and those that utilize the court system. Rather the problem lies with the inherent temptation and conflict of interest when the same official is determining ability to pay bail, and the amount of that bail, and also managing the funds collected from fees on that bail.
Fifth, Judge Cantrell argues that Plaintiffs cannot overcome the "presumption of honesty and integrity of judges." R. Doc. 120 at 13 (citing Valley v. Rapides Parish Sch. Bd., 118 F.3d 1047, 1052-53 (5th Cir. 1997)). However, in Brown v. Vance, when reviewing the district court's use of this standard, the Fifth Circuit found that the district court had erred. 637 F.2d at 283.
There is no language in Tumey or Ward qualifying the "possible temptation" standard by the necessity of overcoming the presumption of probity in favor of adjudicators. That added burden comes from Withrow v. Larkin, 421 U.S. 35, upon which the district court and the defendant strongly relied. But the question in Withrow was whether a board of physicians could exercise both investigative and adjudicative functions.
Id. Likewise, the case cited by Judge Cantrell involved the potential bias of a school board rather than a judge. Valley, 118 F.3d at 1049. Accordingly, the proper standard has been stated above, that the interest under Tumey and Ward is not the actual bias or integrity of an individual judge, but rather "the vulnerability of the average man-as the system works in practice and as it appears to defendants and to the public [and] the possibility that judges will fail to hold `the balance nice, clear and true.'" Brown, 637 F.2d at 284. Furthermore, it is not only important that justice be done; it is equally important that justice appear to be done. The appearance of justice is vital to perpetuation of the rule of law, a concept upon which our society is based.
Finally, Judge Cantrell raises Broussard v. Parish of Orleans arguing that the bail bond statutes do not create an unconstitutional bias. The Court has previously addressed the relevance of Broussard in the proper party defendant context. R. Doc. 81 at 6. The Court again finds that Broussard is not relevant to the issue of judicial conflict of interest in this case. In Broussard the plaintiffs challenged the constitutionality of Louisiana bail statutes rather than alleging bias of individual judicial officers. 318 F.3d 644, 647 (5th Cir. 2003). There, the Fifth Circuit affirmed the district court finding that Tumey and Ward did not apply because the defendants, sheriffs, were not exercising a judicial function. Id. at 662. In contrast, Judge Cantrell does exercise a judicial function when he, sitting as Magistrate Judge, determines Plaintiffs' ability to pay bail and the amount of that bail. Therefore, it is appropriate to apply the Tumey and Ward tests here when determining whether there is an unconstitutional conflict of interest.
The Court finds none of these arguments persuasive, and finds that Plaintiffs have succeeded in demonstrating that Judge Cantrell's participation in the management of the Fund in conjunction with his determination of Plaintiffs' ability to pay bail and the amount of that bail is a substantial conflict of interest that produces a "possible temptation . . . not to hold the balance nice, clear, and true between the state and the accused." Ward, 409 U.S. at 60 (quoting Tumey, 273 U.S. at 532). Accordingly, Plaintiffs are entitled to summary judgment on Count Two and are entitled to a declaratory judgment that Judge Cantrell's institutional incentives create a substantial and unconstitutional conflict of interest when he determines their ability to pay bail and sets the amount of that bail.

IV. CONCLUSION

As articulated above,
IT IS ORDERED that Plaintiffs' motion for summary judgment, R. Doc. 116, is hereby GRANTED and the Court provides declaratory relief as laid out above.
IT IS FURTHER ORDERED that Defendant's motion for summary judgment, R. Doc. 121, is hereby DENIED.
[1] Although Judge Cantrell argues that he has already amended his bail procedures, there is some discrepancy between the statements in his affidavit where he uses language indicating in some places that he is currently following the new procedures and some language indicating that he will change his procedures in the future. Additionally, these statements contradict his current affirmation of Plaintiffs' statement of facts. R. Doc. 121-6, 121-7.
[2] See FN 1 supra.
[3] Additionally, the Court notes that Judge Cantrell's affidavit, if it were sufficient to meet his heavy burden, does not resolve all of the issues before the Court regarding the Count One allegations. Specifically, Judge Cantrell's affidavit does not provide a standard to be applied when determining whether a defendant qualifies for alternative conditions of release, nor does it provide that defendants will have a right to representative counsel at initial bail hearings.
[4] Trejo was decided prior to the Supreme Court's decision in Wilton. However, the Fifth Circuit continues to apply the Trejo factors with some additional and/or clarified considerations laid out in Sherwin-Williams.
[5] This Court finds that the post-conviction detention cases, while not directly on point, are highly relevant because the liberty interests of presumptively innocent, pretrial detainees cannot be less than, and are generally considered greater than, those of convicted defendants.
[6] Defendant has not made any constitutional arguments regarding the substance of Plaintiffs' Count One claims.
[7] Case law considering the standard required under the Bail Reform Act alone has held that the preponderance of the evidence standard is sufficient. See e.g., United States v. McConnell, 842 F.2d 105 (5th Cir. 1988). However, these cases did not consider the burden of proof require by the Due Process Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment. See e.g., McConnell, 842 F.2d 105; United States v. Motamedi, 767 F.2d 1403 (9th Cir. 1985).
[8] In United States v. Motamedi, the Ninth Circuit was confronted only with the question of the proper standard required by the Bail Reform Act. The Court finds Judge Boochever's reasoning persuasive when conducting an analysis of the standard required by the Constitution.
[9] The Fund gained $821,371 in bond fees in 2012, $1,062,224 in 2013, $1,026,282 in 2014, $1,008,108 in 2015, $848,089 in 2016, and $839,006 in 2017. R. Doc. 121-7 at 9.
[10] The revenue from bond fees represented 20% of the total Fund revenue in 2012, 25.9% in 2013, 26.1% in 2014, 25.5% in 2015, 21% in 2016, and 19% in 2017. R. Doc. 121-7 at 9.
[11] The Court also notes that the Affidavit testimony submitted to support this argument is the same testimony provided to Judge Vance in the Cain case. R. Doc. 120-2. Judge Vance did not find the argument negated her finding that the "OPCDC depends heavily on fines and fees revenue" which also makes up approximately 25% of the Fund. Cain, 281 F. Supp. 3d at 658.